A number of prominent Tibetans, including retired Chinese government officials and educationalists, in Qinghai province have submitted a daring and extensive petition calling for the scrapping of proposed education reforms that they say contravene Chinese laws and fear will lead to Tibetan being sidelined as the language of instruction in Tibetan areas.
Enacting the proposed education reforms, the petitioners argue, would be “in serious contempt of the authority of the nation’s laws. Unless the National People’s Congress revises the Autonomy Law, an administrative office, such as a provincial-level government office, has absolutely no authority to exceed the principles and provisions of a basic law by issuing regulations without authority and in contravention of the law.”
Copies of the petition, dated October 24, 2010, were sent to the provincial education department in Xining, the Ministry of Education in Beijing, key Chinese Communist Party offices at the national and provincial level, and offices in the six Tibetan autonomous prefectures in Qinghai province. The document, which is remarkably detailed in its scope and analysis, is translated into English by ICT and enclosed below. It includes recommendations on a way ahead that would ensure “stability” and the protection and development of the Tibetan language.
The petition is dated less than a week after protests involving thousands of students broke out in towns and on school campuses across the Tibetan region of Amdo that encompasses large parts of Qinghai province, with a similar protest by Tibetan students also reported at Minzu University in Beijing. (ICT report, Protests by students against downgrading of Tibetan language spread to Beijing – October 22, 2010) The protests had started on October 19 in the town of Rebkong (Chinese: Tongren) in Qinghai, where a conference on drawing up plans for education in the province over the next decade had been held days before.
The protests, which took place at a time of already intense political repression, were evidence of the alarm among both students and teachers at the impact of proposed changes to policy on the Tibetan language, bedrock of the Tibetan identity and culture.
The petition by retired Chinese government officials is notable for its command of the legal implications of the proposed reforms, citing numerous articles from several key pieces of Chinese legislation which ostensibly protect the rights of Tibetans and other non-Chinese people in the PRC to study, use and develop their own language. Enacting the proposal, the petitioners argue, would be “in serious contempt of the authority of the nation’s laws.”
The petition explains: “Unless the National People’s Congress revises the Autonomy Law, an administrative office such as a provincial-level government office, has absolutely no authority to exceed the principles and provisions of a basic law by issuing regulations without authority and in contravention of the law.”
The legal arguments made in the petition are aimed squarely at pronouncements made by the head of the Qinghai Education Department, Wang Yubo, characterizing his claim that the proposed reforms confirm to national laws as “irrational.”
In tackling Wang Yubo’s statements on the proposed reforms, apparently made during or immediately after they were announced in mid-October, the petitioners also accuse him of “sophistry”: claiming the reforms conformed to China’s national laws, Wang Yubo cited an article from the Language Law, that provides “[Chinese] and the standardized Chinese characters shall be used as the basic language in education and teaching in schools and other institutions of education.” But he failed to conclude the article, which continues “except where otherwise provided for by law,” and where there are numerous instances elsewhere in Chinese law that “otherwise provide” for the use of nationality languages as the basis of education.
The petition was submitted under the provisions of the Regional Nationality Law on Autonomy (RNLA), which aside from the Constitution is Beijing’s main piece of legislation for administering Tibetan and other “minority nationality” regions of the People’s Republic of China, and under the terms of which the central authorities are beholden to reply to the petition within 60 days of its receipt. If the petition was submitted on the day it is dated, October 24, 2010, the deadline for a response is estimated to be on or around January 14, 2011.
The names of the individuals who wrote the petition are not included on the version seen by ICT, the Chinese version of which is currently circulating on the Internet. Several hundred teachers had also submitted a petition in October, translated into English by ICT, expressing their concerns about the impact of the reforms on Tibetan students’ overall learning, and referring to detailed studies that directly refuted the claimed benefits of the proposed reforms. (ICT report, Tibetan teachers write petition in support of Tibetan language; fears for students after detentions – October 26, 2010)
Petition recommendations
The retired government officials and educationalists make three precise recommendations in the petition, urging the government to “consolidate a step further excellent relations between the nationalities” by following Article 49 of the Regional Nationality Law on Autonomy, which states: “Autonomous agencies of an ethnic autonomous area persuade and encourage cadres of the various nationalities to learn each other’s spoken and written languages. Cadres of Han nationality will learn the spoken and written languages of the local minority nationalities. While learning and using the spoken and written languages of their own nationalities, cadres of minority nationalities should also learn the spoken and written Chinese language commonly used throughout the country.”
The retired cadres observe that protecting the use and development of the Tibetan language is not simply a domestic issue, saying that: “Currently, there is as much concern for linguistic and cultural diversity in the world as there is for biodiversity – it has become a global concern.” Undoubtedly aware of the potential for serious political fallout from their actions, the petitioners urge the authorities to regard their stance not as one “that has to be overcome,” but instead to deal with the issue as “an important political duty, an important people’s-hearts project, and with great efforts and great determination, focus closely on achieving good results.” They recommend the following: “By means of relevant civil organizations taking the lead – other than education and nationality work departments – carry out in-depth surveys, research, discussions and experience exchanges on the issue of bilingual education, on upholding social stability and the unity of nationalities, and avoid allowing the Tibetan language and script to become a factor that impacts upon nationality relations and state security.”
The petition
A full translation by ICT into English of the text of the petition (written in Chinese), including three detailed recommendations on a way forward, follows below.
http://news.boxun.com/news/gb/china/2010/12/201012010248.shtml
藏族退休干部和老教育工作者的《意见书》
Retired Tibetan cadres and old education workers’ “submission”
作者：藏族退休干部和老教育工作者
Writers: Retired Tibetan cadres and old education workers
纵览中国编按：上个月（十月中旬），在藏区的中小学采取上街游行、校内集会等多种形式，表达他们对中共当局对臧政策（教育政策）的不满，十月底青海省西宁地区部分藏族退休干部和老教育工作者，向青海省教育厅递交了一份意见书，在书中他们从法理的角度探讨了很多关于目前教育方面的问题，并把意见抄送中央统战部等机构。意见书内容丰富，且有新鲜感。特刊载全文，以飨读者。
The China in Perspective editors: Last month (in the middle of October), middle and elementary school students in Tibetan areas used such means as demonstrating in the streets and gathering on campuses to express their discontent with the central government’s policies (education policies) on Tibet. At the end of October, a number of retired Tibetan cadres and old education workers in Xining Municipality in Qinghai Province presented a submission to the Qinghai Province Education Department in which they discussed aspects of the current education issue in depth and from a legal point of view, and gave copies of the submission to such institutions as the Central Committee United Front Work Department. The submission is rich in content and fresh ideas, and the full text is presented here for the benefit of our readers.
关于青海双语中长期改革问题的意见(全文)
Suggestions on the Issue of Mid to Long Term Bilingual Reforms in Qinghai (full text)
青海省教育厅：
Qinghai Province Department of Education:
解放以来，尤其是改革开放以来，青海的民族教育发展迅猛，双语教育体系不断完善，成效显著，国际影响不断扩大；几个藏族自治地方慎重、稳妥、科学、严肃地推进基础教育阶段的双语教育，教育普及率大幅提高，青壮年非文盲率达到96%。
Since liberation, and in particular since reform and opening up, development in Qinghai’s nationality education has been swift and rapid with the bilingual education system improving continuously and showing outstanding results, broadening Qinghai’s international influence; several Tibetan autonomous areas have prudently, scientifically, soundly and seriously promoted bilingual education at the basic education stage, the scope of education popularization has grown greatly, and non-illiteracy in young adults has reached 96%.
尤其黄南、海南两州，通过全面推行藏、汉语并行，多数学科以藏语文为教学语言，使得本地人才存量、高层人才数量走在全省的前列，双语、多语人才不仅 成为青海藏区跨越式发展和长治久安的中坚力量，而且可以说已经遍布全球，成为藏区双语教育效果最好的地区，也是在教育和语言领域群众意见最少的地区（相比 之下，海东和西宁所属藏族乡村、海北、玉树等地意见较多）。作为六州和省直机关的行政干部和教育工作者，我们看到在双语教育的引领下，学校教育从零起步， 迈出了可喜的一步。
Following comprehensive promotion of the dual-use of Tibetan and Chinese and the use of Tibetan as the medium of instruction for most subjects in the two prefectures of Huangnan [Tib: Malho] and Hainan [Tib: Tsolho] in particular, local human resources and high-level talent are the forefront in the province. Bilingual and multilingual talent has not only become a backbone for leap-over style development and long-term peace and stability in these Tibetan areas of Qinghai, but throughout the world it could also be said that they have become the regions with the best Tibetan area bilingual results. In addition, Huangnan [Tib: Malho] and Hainan [Tib: Tsolho] have the least amount of suggestions [petitions of complaint] from the masses in the areas of education and language (compared to Tibetan townships and villages in Haidong [Tib: Tsoshar] and Xining, and in Haibei [Tib: Tsochang] and Yushu [Tib: Jyekundo] where there are more suggestions). As administrative cadres and education workers from the six [Tibetan autonomous] prefectural and provincial-level offices, we have seen that under the guidance of bilingual education, education in schools has gone from nothing to a very satisfying level.
近期，贵厅组织召开全省教育大会，出台《青海省教育改革和发展中长期规划纲要（2010 2020）》（以下称《青海纲要》），并决定筹措76亿元，利用3年时间发展教育，尤其下决心在双语教育上取得新突破，包括加大双语师资培训，改善藏区教学条件，提高藏区教学水平等，我们深受鼓舞。
Recently, your honorable department organized and convened a provincial education conference, and issued the “Qinghai Province Education Reform and Development Mid- to Long-Term Outline Plan (2010 2020),” (referred to below as the “Qinghai Outline”) and decided to raise 7.6 billion yuan and take three years to develop education, with a particular determination to make breakthroughs in bilingual education including broadening bilingual training of teachers, improving teaching conditions in Tibetan areas and raising the levels of teaching in Tibetan areas, all of which we encourage.
然而，由于《青海纲要》涉及藏汉语言的主次区分、教学用语的统一改革等一些重大问题，加之教育行政部门和个别地方急于坚决、迅速、强力推行，引起了 一些地区学生和家长的不满，导致10月19日以来黄南、海南、果洛、海北等四个藏族自治州中小学采取上街游行、校内集会等多种形式抗议，并正在中小学以外 和其他地区继续扩大和蔓延，在国际国内造成了非常恶劣的影响。
However, because the “Qinghai Outline” touches upon some major issues such as the distinction between Chinese and Tibetan as primary and secondary languages and reforms to unify the language of instruction, added to which education administrative offices and individual localities are too eager to be resolute, rapid and forceful in their implementation of the reforms, discontent has arisen among students and parents in some areas leading to elementary and middle school students in the four Tibetan autonomous prefectures of Huangnan [Tib: Malho], Hainan [Tib: Tsolho], Guoluo [Tib: Golok] and Haibei [Tsochang] where such measures as demonstrating in the streets and gathering on campuses were taken from October 19 onwards, and which now continue to expand and spread beyond elementary and middle schools to other areas, which is having an extremely adverse influence at home and abroad.
我们作为青海藏区建政、改革和发展的历史见证人、亲历者和推进者，不得不密切关注，冷静思考，深入反思，正面反映对这一重大问题的看法。为维护藏区稳定，发展平等、团结、互助、和谐民族关系尽我们义不容辞的责任。
As government builders and witnesses to, participants in and promoters of the history of development and reform in Qinghai’s Tibetan areas, we cannot but pay close attention, reflect calmly, ponder deeply and respond positively to this important issue. Upholding stability in Tibetan areas, developing equality, unity, mutual assistance and harmonious relations between the nationalities is our incumbent duty.
藏、汉语广播电视和报纸全文发布贵厅王予波厅长的问答，使我们对学生表达利益诉求有了进一步的理解和认识。
The full text of Department Head Wang Yubo’s questions and answers in the Chinese- and Tibetan-language radio and television broadcasts and newspapers allowed us to further understand and appreciate the concerns and demands expressed by the students.
对于《青海纲要》中省教育厅提出汉语为主、藏语为辅，以汉语为教学语言，并将汉语开设到学前，而且不顾学生及其家长等利益群体的正常诉求急着坚决推行，王厅长提出“三个符合”即中央精神、国家法律和群众根本利益和意愿，但从中央文件、现行法律政策和藏区尤其是农牧区语言生活实际看，尤其从我们多年在民族地区工作的经验和认识看，都是不合理的。我们认为：
With regard to the provincial education department proposing in the “Qinghai Outline” that Chinese should be the main language and the Tibetan language should be supplemental [Ch: hanyu wei zhu, zangyu wei fu] with Chinese as the medium of instruction as well as providing Chinese in pre-school – and urgently implementing the reforms regardless of the reasonable concerns of interest groups including students and parents – Wang Yubo raised the “three conforms,” referring to conforming to the spirit of the central government, conforming to national laws, and conforming to the interests and wishes of the masses. But from the reality of central government documents, current laws and policies and language practices in Tibetan areas – in particular in the nomadic and farming areas – and particularly in the views of those of us who have many years experience of work and understanding in minority nationality areas, this is irrational. We consider that:
第一“符合中央精神”，实际上没有任何依据，实质上还违背了中央的要求。《国家中长期教育改革和发展规划纲要(2010 2020年)》经过多次公开征求意见，可以说集民意、顺民意、合理合法，其中“第九章民族教育”部分，就“大力推进双语教学”强调：“全面开设汉语文课程，全面推广国家通用语言文字。尊重和保障少数民族使用本民族语言文字接受教育的权利。”显然，这是基于汉语作为少数民族地区(尤其象藏区)第二语言的语言生活现实而规定的。汉族人口众多、汉语使用广泛、汉语全球战略的国际影响力不断提高，藏族干部群众象渴望学好英语一样都自愿学好汉语，全面开设汉语文课程从未受到质疑，更未受到抵制，我们相信其“前款”规定各地都在接受和推广。而紧接着提出“使用本民族语言文字接受教育”，并把它界定为法律赋予的一项权利要求尊重和保障，显然是说明在数、理、化、政治、地理、品德、信息技术等中小学的非语言类课公开设定时间表，提出“到2015年，小学实现以国家通用语言文字为主、本民族语言文字为辅的“双语”教学”，不仅绕开了开设汉语文课程这个语言课程的教学设置，而程学习中，并没有“要求”以汉语为教学语言。政府有责任尊重和保障民族语言作为教学语言或者教学辅助语言。而王予波强调把目标设定为“坚持国家通用语言文字教学为主，同时学好民族语言文字，将国家通用语言文字作为教学语言”，而且且通过偷换概念篡改了《国家纲要》提出的用“民族语接受教育的权利”。
First: There is in reality no basis for “conforming to the spirit of the central government”; substantively, this actually runs counter to central government requirements. The “National Mid- to Long-Term Education Reform and Development Outline Plan (2010-2020)” went through several rounds of public consultation and it can be said to distill the people’s will, follow the people’s will and to be rational and legitimate. The section “Chapter Nine: Nationality Education” on “forcefully promoting bilingual education” emphasizes: “Comprehensively offer Chinese language courses, comprehensively popularize the nation’s common language and script. Respect and protect the right of minority nationalities to use and to receive education in their own language.” Evidently, this is regulated on the basis of the daily reality of Chinese being the second language in minority nationality areas (particularly Tibetan areas). With large Chinese populations, broad use of the Chinese language and the ever increasing influence of strategies to globalize Chinese, Tibetan cadres and masses are keen to voluntarily study Chinese, just as they are keen to study English; comprehensively offering Chinese language courses has never been questioned, and even less has it been resisted, and we believe that all areas would accept and popularize the content of such a provision. The phrase “To use and to receive education in their own language” that immediately follows – which is defined under law as a right that requires respect and protection – is obviously referring to the time-tabling of provisions in elementary and middle schools of such non-language courses as mathematics, physics, chemistry, politics, geography, ethics and information technology. But proposing that “by 2015, elementary schools shall realize bilingual education based on the national common language supplemented with the nationality’s own language” actually bypasses the education provision to provide Chinese language courses in the syllabus, while in the syllabus itself there is no “requirement” to make Chinese the medium of instruction. The government has a responsibility to respect and protect nationality languages as a medium of instruction or as a supplementary medium of instruction. Yet by altering concepts and tampering with the proposals in the “National Outline” on the “right to receive education in the nationality language,” Wang Yubo emphasizes setting a target of “maintaining primacy for the national common language and script in teaching, at the same time as studying well the nationality’s language and script and making the national common language the medium of instruction.”
第二，所谓“符合国家法律”，实际上是在断章取义，存在严重的违宪、违法行为。省教育厅?及王予波不顾多民族国家、多民族省份的国情、省情，公开地限制少数民族语言文字在学校教育领域的学习自由、使用自由和发展自由，是完全违背了《宪法》、《中华人民共和国民族区域自治法》（以下称《自治法》）、《教育法》和《国家通用语言文字法》（简称《语文法》），只是王予波个人在这些法律中截取了用于解脱或者自圆其说的部分条款，断章取义，用于公开表态，是对国家法律的“误读”、“亵渎”和“践踏”，表现为随意引用、随意解读、随意篡改。首先，限制在教育教学领域使用民族语文，王予波所说的几个法都不支持。《宪法》第四条第四款规定：“各民族都有使用和发展自己的语言文字的自由”；《语文法》一字不差，在第八条中规定“各民族都有使用和发展自己的语言文字的自由”（还有一句跟在后面“少数民族语言文字的使用依据宪法、民族区域自治法及其他法律的有关规定”，说明这个法在具体操作中必须遵循民族区域自治法）；《自治法》第十条规定：“民族自治地方的自治机关保障本地方各民族都有使用和发展自己的语言文字的自由”。其次，说学校的教学用语必须作为统一国家的象征统一到汉语上。对此，具体的法律也不支持。《自治法》第三十七条第三款规定：“招收少数民族学生为主的学校（班级）和其他教育机构，有条件的应当采用少数民族文字的课本，并用少数民族语言讲课；”这个规定如此清楚，无需解释。《教育法》第十二条则规定：“少数民族学生为主的学校及其他教育机构，可以使用本民族或者当地民族通用的语言文字进行教学。”
Second: The so-called “conforms to national laws” in actual fact is out of context, and seriously violates the Constitution and laws. The provincial education department’s and Wang Yubo’s disregard for the multi-nationality state, for the multi-nationality province and for provincial conditions in the realm of education by publicly limiting minority nationalities’ freedom to study language in schools and their right to use and develop their language, is in complete contravention of the Constitution, the People’s Republic of China Law on Regional National Autonomy (simplified below as the “Autonomy Law”), the Education Law, and the PRC Law on the Standard Spoken and Written Chinese Language [Ch: Guojia tongyong yuyan wenzi fa] (simplified below as the Language Law). Yet Wang Yubo selected from these laws certain parts and clauses out of context to explain or justify what he was saying in his public statements, which is a “misreading,” an “insult” and a “trampling” upon those national laws, manifested in his random citations, random interpretations and random fabrications. First, limiting the use of nationality languages in the realm of teaching and education is not supported by the several laws Wang Yubo discussed. Article 4 Clause 4 of the Constitution provides: “The people of all nationalities have the freedom to use and develop their own spoken and written languages”; Article 8 of the Language Law repeats the provision word for word: “The people of all nationalities have the freedom to use and develop their own spoken and written languages” (which is then followed by the line: “The spoken and written languages of the nationalities shall be used in accordance with the relevant provisions of the Constitution, the Law on Regional National Autonomy and other laws”); and Article 10 of the Autonomy Law provides: “Autonomous agencies in national autonomous areas guarantee the freedom of the nationalities in these areas to use and develop their own spoken and written languages.” Secondly, there is no concrete legal basis to support saying the language of instruction in schools must be a symbol of the unification of the nation and [therefore] unified in the Chinese language. Article 37 Clause 3 of the Autonomy Law provides: “Schools (classes) and other educational organizations recruiting mostly nationality students should, whenever possible, use textbooks in their own languages and use these languages as the media of instruction.” There is no need to explain a provision as clear as that. And Article 12 of the Education Law provides “Schools and other educational organizations with mainly minority nationality students may use that nationality’s language or the local nationality’s language for education.”
这两个法律，难道作为教育厅长的王予波没有见到？而在《语文法》中，是否修改了这两个法律条款呢？据我们知道没有。其第十条规定，“学校及其他教育机构以普通话和规范汉字为基本的教育教学用语用材。法律另有规定的除外。”王予波仅仅引用了前款2蓄意回避后一条款，而《自治法》、《教育法》的规定，就是法律中的“另有规定”，是要“除在”《语文法》以外的。这里，明显的是断章取义，为个人所用，应当深刻检讨，全面纠正。再次，既然承认中华人民共和国依然实行民族区域自治制度，一个行政部门就擅自改变包括自治地方在内的学校设置、教学用语等，是对国家基本法律的蓄意挑战和践踏，是对国家法律权威的严重蔑视。除非全国人大通过修正《自治法》，一个具体的行政部门，其是一个省级行政机关，根本无权超越基本法律的原则规定而擅自作出违背法律的决定。《自治法》作为我国实施宪法规定的民族区域自治制度的基本法律，其第三十六条明文强调“民族自治地方的自治机关根据国家的教育方针，依照法律规定，决定本地方的教育规划，各级各类学校的设置、学制、办学形式、教学内容、教学用语和招生办法。”
Could it be that Wang Yubo as head of the Education Department has never seen these two laws? Have those two legal clauses in the Language Law been revised? Not as far as we know. Article 10 of that law provides “Putonghua and the standardized Chinese characters shall be used as the basic language in education and teaching in schools and other institutions of education, except where otherwise provided for by law.” Wang Yubo deliberately only cited the first part of that article and avoided the second with its “otherwise provided” provisions in the Autonomy Law and the Education Law, which are the exceptions in the Language Law. This was obviously taking things out of context for personal purposes and should be thoroughly reviewed and completely rectified. Furthermore, since it is recognized that the People’s Republic of China is still implementing the system of regional national autonomy, an administrative office that on its own volition changes school establishment and languages of instruction in autonomous areas is deliberately challenging and trampling upon the nation’s basic laws and is in serious contempt of the authority of the nation’s laws. Unless the National People’s Congress revises the Autonomy Law, an administrative office such as a provincial-level government office, has absolutely no authority to exceed the principles and provisions of a basic law by issuing regulations without authority in contravention of the law. The Autonomy Law is a basic law for implementing the system of regional national autonomy within our country’s current Constitution, Article 36 of which clearly states “In accordance with state guidelines on education and in accordance with the law, autonomous agencies in ethnic autonomous areas decide on educational plans in these areas, on the establishment of various kinds of schools at different levels, and on their educational system, forms, curricula, the language used in instruction and enrollment procedures.”
《青海纲要》中的“教学语言”、“民汉合校”等学校设置、办学形式、教学内容和教学用语等，法律明确规定属于民族自治地方自治机关的教育权。在六个自治州自治机关没有作出任何规定的前提下，省级教育行政部门擅自作出如此规定，并作为一个职能部门公开发布、强词夺理予以解释，严重违反了党和国家的现行法律和民族政策，违背了民族理论，破坏了政策的权威性、严肃性和延续性，严重损害了党和国家民族法律政策的威信和公信力。另外还有一点，把汉语课程开到学前阶段，全面加强学前双语教育，是与时具进、改造民族后代的“时代创新”和“重大突破”。《国家纲要》和《青海纲要》都明确了推广学前藏汉双语这个设想和计划。我们看到，《自治法》第三十七条第三款规定“招收少数民族学生为主的学校（班级）和其他教育机构”，“根据情况从小学低年级或者高年级起开设汉语文课程，推广全国通用的普通话和规范汉字。”把汉语学习的时间限定在小学低年级或高年级，符合少数民族地区语言生态的现实，符合国家推广通用语的需要，符合民族语为母语的少数民族儿童语言思维和认知发育客观规律的，是站在多民族国家多语言文化基础上又面向统一国家的未来而设定。有了西藏3.14和新疆7.5事件，就如此扩大汉语的“教化”功能和使用范围，不能不认为是以王予波等诸君的大民族个人意愿为前提的”。
Such school matters in the “Qinghai Outline” as “language of instruction,” “ethnic-Han joint schools,” syllabus and language teaching are clearly legislated in law as being under the educational authority of the agencies of autonomy in national autonomous areas. Under such circumstances as where the agencies of autonomy in the six autonomous prefectures had not made any provision, the provincial-level education administrative offices made provisions such as these without any authority; and then as one of its functions it announced them publicly and explained them with sophistry. As such, the state and Party’s current laws and nationality policies were seriously violated, nationality theory was contravened, the authority, seriousness and continuity of policies was damaged, and the prestige and credibility of the Party and state’s nationality laws and policies were seriously harmed. There is also the point that extending Chinese language teaching provision to the pre-school stage comprehensively strengthens pre-school bilingual education, and it is a progression with the times that transforms nationality descendants in the “era of innovation” and is an “important breakthrough.” The “National Outline” and the “Qinghai Outline” both clarify the idea and plan for popularizing pre-school Chinese and Tibetan bilingual education. We have seen that Article 37 Clause 3 of the Autonomy Law provides that “[In] Schools (classes) and other educational organizations recruiting mostly ethnic minority students” [and] “[b]eginning in the lower or senior grades of primary school, Han language and literature courses should be taught to popularize the common language used throughout the country and the use of Han Chinese characters.” Limiting the study time of the Chinese language to the lower or senior grades of primary school conforms to the reality of the language environment in minority nationality areas, conforms to the requirements of promoting the national common language, and conforms to objective principles of minority nationality children using the nationality language as their mother tongue for thinking and cognitive development; it rests on the foundations of a multi-nationality and multi-lingual state, and is geared for the future of a unified nation. In the wake of the Tibet 3.14 and Xinjiang 7.5 incidents, one cannot escape the conclusion that it is the desire of such majority [emphasis added] nationality individuals as Wang Yubo and other luminaries to expand the “civilizing” function and scope of the Chinese language.
第三，把过通用语言文字理解为中华人民共和国唯一的官方语言，是无知，是狡辩，更是无视中国多民族统一国家基本特征和民族区域自治基本制度的表现。对于选择汉语作为单一的教学语言，王予波提出是基于汉语普通话和规范字是全国唯一的官方语言。这个说法完全站不住脚，它不仅混淆了官方语言和国家通用语言文字的界限，也违背了中华人民共和国的国家语言政策。《语文法》实际上是除了适用于汉语各方言和书写传统中选择普通话、规范汉字作为通用规范标准外，并没有阐述其与少数民族语文的关系（只有第八条“各民族都有使用和发展自己的语言文字的自由”）。《自治法》还在第二十一条规定：“民族自治地方的自治机关在执行职务的时候，依照本民族自治地方自治条例的规定，使用当地通用的一种或者几种语言文字；同时使用几种通用的语言文字执行职务的，可以实行区域自治的民族的语言文字为主。”
Third, making the common language and script the only official language of the People’s Republic of China is ignorant and pedantic, and it ignores the basic feature that China is a multi-nationality country in which the basic system of regional national autonomy exists. With regard to choosing Chinese as the sole language of instruction, Wang Yubo’s proposals are based on Chinese Putonghua and standardized characters being the sole national language. Such a statement simply cannot stand. It not only blurs the lines between an official language and the state’s common language, it also contravenes the state language policies of the People’s Republic of China. In actual fact, while the Language Law applies to the various dialects of Chinese and choices between the traditional and standardized characters for Putonghua, the Language Law does not elaborate a relationship to minority nationality languages. (Article 8 only provides: “All the nationalities shall have the freedom to use and develop their own spoken and written languages.”) Article 21 of the Autonomy Law provides: “While performing its functions, the autonomous agencies of an ethnic autonomous area, in accordance with the regulations on the exercise of autonomy of the area, use the language or languages commonly used in the locality; where several commonly used languages are used for the performance of such functions, the language of the nationality exercising regional autonomy may be used as the main language.”
把国家通用语言文字混淆为官方语言，在教育行政部门、尤其是在青海这样的多民族地区是非常不应该的。官方语言作为一个国家的公民与其政府机关通讯时使用的语言，有的国家只有一个，有的国家有几个（如印度），而在多民族统一的中国，既有国家统一层面的通用语言文字，但它不是唯一的官方语言。《自治法》明确规定，在各个自治地方当地通用的少数民族语言也是政府机关首选或使用的本自治地方官方语言。所以在中国，除了民族自治地方，官方语言只有一种；而在民族自治地方，则以本民族语言文字和国家通用语言文字同时作为自治地区官方语言的。纵观世界各国，除了民族国家、一些移民国家，多民族国家的官方语言也不一定是单一的，其教学用语同样是多样的。
Confusing the common language and script as the official language is extremely inappropriate in education administrative offices, and particularly in such a multi-nationality area like Qinghai. An official language is the language used for communicating by the citizens of a state and by the state’s agencies of government. Some countries have one, some countries have several (such as India), and in a multi-nationality unified country such as China there is a unifying language and script, but it is not the only official language. The Autonomy Law clearly provides that minority nationality languages in all autonomous areas are the local official languages or languages of choice for government agencies. In China therefore, aside from national autonomous areas, there is only one official language, whereas in national autonomous areas the local nationality’s language and script is contemporaneous with the state’s common language and script. Throughout the world, aside from nationality countries and countries of immigrants, there is not necessarily just one official language in multi-nationality countries, and their languages of instruction are similarly varied.
第四，既然肯定双语教育的成就，就没有理由让藏语文成为改革的替罪羊，没有理由将双语教育的困难问题归罪于藏语文。王予波称“双语教育取得长足发展，基本建立了从基础教育到高等教育的双语教育体系，培养了大批民汉兼通的社会主义建设者和接班人，他们在全省各条战线发挥了重要作用，”其“重要作用不可替代”，可以说客观公正、实事求是，符合实际。我们不少退休干部亲历这个发展历程，甚至有的终生献身于这一事业。而教育部门明知成就如此显著，为何还要取消双语教育、区分语文主次、在教学语言上统一改用汉语，彻底否定民族教育、双语教育几十年逐步摸索、反复实践、艰难发展、培育壮大的巨大成就呢？我们无法理解！把双语教育存在的诸多问题归结为藏语文作为“教学语言”的理由，更是片面的、狭隘的，没有任何科学依据。就是在最近第一次发生9.19抗议活动的黄南州隆务镇，两大高中除了藏语、汉语和英语三门语言类课程，其余非语言类课程，该州同仁县民族中学的高中绝大多数课程以藏语为教学语言，黄南州民族中学则分别选择藏语、汉语作为不同班级的教学语言，教学实践说明，同仁民中好于州高中，州高中的藏语班好于汉语班，对此作何解释？再说，黄南、海南两州长期发展藏语授课为多数的双语教学，海北、海西、玉树三州则单设藏文课（或为选修课），而前者的双语教育普及率和质量远远好于后者，又作何解释？就教学语言的改革这一重大性问题而言，首先在黄南州第一高中引起，显然是有这个所谓“经验主义”的认识基础的。无视好成就、好经验断然“改革”，师生、家长难以接受是完全可以理解的。在反思解放以来关于民族语文和双语教育问题正反两面经验的基础上，认为学校教学语言的选择要“根据多数群众的意愿和当地的语言环境决定”（1992年国家教委、国家民委印发的《关于加强民族教育工作若干问题的意见》），而不是以一个省级行政部门领导个人意志为转移的。基于上述认识和考虑，我们提出：
Fourth: Since the success of bilingual education is acknowledged, there is no reason to make the Tibetan language and script the scapegoat of reforms, and no reason to blame difficult issues in bilingual education on the Tibetan language and script. Wang Yubo said, “Bilingual education has made great progress, basically establishing a bilingual system from basic education to high-school education, training a large batch of socialist constructors and successors fluent in Chinese and ethnic languages, and they are playing an important role on all frontlines across the entire province.” Their “important role cannot be replaced,” and they are said to be just, to seek truth from facts, and to comport with reality. Many of us retired cadres have personally experienced this process, and some have dedicated our entire lives to this undertaking. But if education departments are aware of these successes, why abolish bilingual education, differentiate between main and supplementary languages, and uniformly use Chinese in education, and why completely negate the enormous successes in nationality education, over several decades of gradual exploration in bilingual education, repeated practice, difficult progress and fostering growth? We simply don’t understand! Blaming the many existing problems in bilingual on education on reasons of Tibetan being a language of instruction is one-sided, simplistic, and has no scientific basis. In two senior high schools in Longwu [Tib: Rongwu] Town in Huangnan [Tib: Malho] Prefecture – where the first protest activities occurred on October 19 – Tibetan is used as the language of instruction for all classes, except English and Chinese. Classes at the Tongren [Tib: Rebkong] County Nationality Middle School in the same prefecture are also taught in the Tibetan language while at Huangnan [Tib: Malho] Prefecture Nationality Middle School, classes are selectively taught in Tibetan or Chinese as the language of instruction. Teaching practice has shown that the county school is better than the prefecture school, and that the prefecture’s middle school classes taught in the Tibetan language are better than those taught in the Chinese language – so how is this explained? And furthermore, both Huangnan [Tib: Malho] and Hainan [Tib: Tsolho] prefectures have for a long time been developing Tibetan language instruction for the majority of classes, while Haibei [Tib: Tsochang], Haixi [Tib: Tsonub] and Yushu [Tib: Jyekundo] prefectures have merely offered Tibetan (as an elective), yet the coverage and quality of bilingual education in the former is far better than the latter, and so how too is this explained? Problems with reforming the language of instruction – which is such a major issue – arose first at the No. 1 Huangnan Prefecture Middle School, and this apparently was the basis for further learning the basis for further learning. When good achievements and good experiences are ignored for drastic reform, it is completely understandable that teachers, students and parents find it difficult to accept. When considering issues of nationality languages and bilingual education since liberation on the basis of positives and negatives and experience, it is thought that the choice of language in education is “decided according to the wishes of the majority of the masses and the local language environment,” (“Suggestions on Several Issues for Strengthening Nationality Education Work,” issued in 1992 by the State Education Commission and State Ethnic Affairs Commission) and cannot be changed by the will of an individual leader of a provincial-level administrative office. Based on the understandings and considerations above, we propose:
1、立即停止执行汉语作为单一教学语言的违法条款。《自治法》第二十条规定“上级国家机关的决议、决定、命令和指示，如有不适合民族自治地方实际情况的，自治机关可以报经该上级国家机关批准，变通执行或者停止执行；该上级国家机关应当在收到报告之日起六十日内给予答复。”
1. Immediately stop implementation of all illegal provisions for making Chinese the sole language of instruction. Article 20 of the Autonomy Law stipulates “If a resolution, decision, order, or instruction of a state agency at a higher level does not suit the actual conditions in an ethnic autonomous area, an autonomous agency of the area may report for the approval of that higher level state agency to either implement it with certain alterations or cease implementing it altogether. That higher level state agency must give its decision within 60 days of receiving the report.”
在目前的形势和条件下，未经上级国家机关同意，一个政府职能部门竟做出了如此大的违宪、违法的决定和改革。我们呼吁：在全国人大、省人大和六个自治州的人大没有通过前，必须在六个民族自治州及民族散杂居地区停止执行。我们殷切希望省教育厅不要一错再错、扩大事态，而是尽早发出公开声明，立即纠正，立即停止这种无视藏区群众教育需求和发展利益、恣意践踏国家宪法、法律、法规和基本政策，危害国家形象、破坏民族团结和社会稳定的行为。
In the current situation and under current circumstances and without agreement from a higher government agency, an executive government office nevertheless has made this unconstitutional and illegal decision on reforms. We appeal: before the Qinghai Proposal is passed, we call upon the National People’s Congress, the provincial National People’s Congress, and the National People’s Congresses in the six prefectures to stop its implementation in the six prefectures and areas with various nationalities. We earnestly hope that the provincial education department will not compound its errors and exacerbate the measure’s impact, and instead issue a public statement as soon as possible to immediately correct and immediately stop these actions that ignore the educational requirements and developmental interests of the masses in Tibetan areas, that trample wantonly upon the nation’s Constitution, laws, regulations and basic policies, and which harm the image of the country, and damage the unity of the nationalities and social stability;
2、立足现实，尊重科学，遵循规律，把藏、汉两门语言课和其他语言类教学中的藏语文应用同步推进、同步强化。认真、深入研究青海双语教育取得的成就和发展的经验。广泛听取各民族专家学者、社会各界和各地区教育工作者、师生和家长的意见建议，在已有工作和成绩的基础上，加强和改进双语教育。在不断提高作为第二语言的汉语水平及其应用能力的同时，切实培养藏、汉兼通的各科“双语教师”，坚持“尊重和保障”使用民族语言和文字接受数、理、化、音、体、美等各门学科教育的权利，全面提高藏区教育的层次和水平。而“学生汉语水平不高（五个突出困难和问题之第二个方面）”，需要“提高汉语能力”，是要通过汉语课这个语言教学来实现的，而不是通过实验室、算术题、画画、开展体育运动等非语言课目来实现的，语言课的任务就是提高汉语能力，而学科教学的任务是让学生通过他们最熟悉和最熟练的语言，最便捷有效地接受学科知识教育。新成立的青海省完全藏文中学所谓的“双语”教师只招收藏语文老师，其他聘用的几十个各科“双语”教师几乎只懂汉语，无法用藏语辅助教学，学生反映其课堂的学科教学听不懂，就是摆在现实面前的现实（试问，是不是藏语老师有双语要求，汉语老师没有双语要求，只会一种语言也胜任双语教师职务吗？这是世界上的什么“通行惯例）。对于提高汉语水平，我们要一分为二，科学认识，科学看待，科学解决，语言水平是要通过语言课解决的，而不能为了提高语言，牺牲其它学科知识的全面、便捷、直接地接受。强调双语教育，既要加强汉语和藏语两门语文课，更要加强用本民族语言作为课堂教学语言的各课目教学；
2. Based on reality and respecting science and abiding by the law, promote Tibetan and Chinese language classes simultaneously, as well as the application of Tibetan in teaching other languages. Earnestly and thoroughly research the successes achieved and other developmental experiences in bilingual education in Qinghai. Extensively listen to suggestions and proposals from expert scholars of all nationalities, education workers from all circles and from all areas, and teachers, students and their parents, and on the basis of existing work and successes, strengthen and improve bilingual education. At the same time as relentlessly raising the levels of Chinese as a second language and its application abilities, effectively train “bilingual teachers” for all subjects who are fluent in Tibetan and Chinese, and maintain “respecting and protecting” the right to use nationality languages and scripts when receiving an education in all disciplines, including mathematics, physics, chemistry, music, physical education and fine arts, and comprehensively raise the level of education in Tibetan areas. For “those students whose levels of Chinese are not high (the second of the five prominent issues)” and who must “raise their Chinese abilities,” this must be realized by means of Chinese-language classes, and not realized through such non-language class means as in the laboratory, by doing arithmetic or drawing or by participating in physical education. The task in a language class is to raise Chinese language abilities; the task in teaching classes is to allow students using the language with which they are most familiar and in which they are most practiced, to most effectively and conveniently receive an education. In the newly-founded Qinghai Province all of the so-called “bilingual” teachers at the full-time Tibetan middle schools taught in the Tibetan language, while all of the several dozen other “bilingual” teachers employed to teach other subjects understood only Chinese, and were completely unable to do any supplementary teaching in Tibetan. We must face the reality that students have expressed that they don’t understand the language the subjects are taught in. (And is it not that if there’s a requirement for Tibetan teachers to be bilingual but no requirement for Han teachers to be bilingual, then a teacher able to speak one language is likely to be hired over the bilingual teacher? What kind of standard practice is that?) With regard to raising the levels of Chinese, we must see that there are two issues, and with scientific knowledge, scientific treatment and with a scientific solution, language levels must be resolved through language classes, and we cannot sacrifice the comprehensive, flexible and direct teaching of other disciplines and knowledge for the sake of raising language levels. Emphasizing bilingual education requires strengthening both Chinese and Tibetan classes, but even more so it requires that the nationality’s own language be used as the language of instruction for all disciplines in the classroom;
3、通过划出一定的“民考民”招生比例和名额，拓宽双语学生的升学渠道和就业门路，增强对汉语世界的适应性。对于双语教育“升学渠道狭窄，就业门路不宽和自身适应性不强”（五个突出困难和问题之三个方面），责任不在学生，而在于政府的高校招生政策和策略。解决双语学生升学难、就业难问题，切实需要学习内蒙古、延边、新疆和西藏等民族地方好的、成功的和受群众欢迎的做法、经验，如民族语文教材开发和出版、小学到高校的民族双语教育体系建设、双语教育规律研究、以语言能力为中心的汉语课程教学等，更要拿出诚意、善意，打破“双语生”升学渠道狭窄的界限，根据青海的区域现状，按照藏汉/蒙汉双语类“民考民”学生的人数和比例，在高校招生过程中单独划出适当比例的名额，为双语学生进入全国各大院校、各个专业敞开包容的大门，让他们走向全国，走向世界。
3. By means of setting aside a quota of “nationality students examined in the nationality language” [min kao min], broaden the avenues to advanced studies and employment for bilingual students, strengthening their adaptability to the Chinese-language world. With regard to bilingual education’s “narrow avenues to advanced studies, employment opportunities that are not wide, and weak personal flexibility” (three of the five prominent difficulties and issues), responsibility is not with the students, but lies instead with the government’s student recruitment policies and strategies. Solving bilingual students’ difficulties with advanced studies and the issue of employment difficulties, effectively requires study of the good, successful, and broadly well-received methods and experiences in nationality areas such as Inner Mongolia, Yanbian [Korean Autonomous Prefecture in Jilin Province], Xinjiang and Tibet. These include the development and publication of nationality language teaching materials, construction of a bilingual education system from elementary school to high school, research into the nature of bilingual education, and Chinese classes that center on language ability, which with good will and sincerity, break the limitations of narrow avenues to advanced studies. In accordance with the situation regionally in Qinghai, and in accordance with the numbers of Chinese-Tibetan and Chinese-Mongolian “nationality students examined in the nationality language” and in the high-school admissions process, set aside an appropriate proportion of places, allowing bilingual students to enter major institutions across the country for specialized subjects, allowing them to stride through the door to the country and to the rest of the world.
4、兑现关于加强民族语文教学的承诺，消除人们对双语改革的担心和忧虑。王予波提出“继续加强和改进少数民族语文教学，加大投入，改善条件，提高教学质量。”这种空洞的提法，司空见惯、耳已生茧。在我们的经历中，上世纪八十年代提出在青海两种模式并行的双语教育“双轨制”，针对的是两种地区，即在西宁、海东的散杂居地区民族学校，实行汉语为教学语言、单设民族语文的双语教育；在六个自治州则实行藏语为教学语言、汉语单设的双语教学。发展了三十年，西宁和海东散杂居区除了循化（这几年化隆开始恢复），其他地区的双语教育几乎有名无实，民族语文教师几乎没有配备，使得藏汉、土汉、撒拉 汉等中小学双语教育已是徒有虚名。单设民族语文的双语教育似乎成了推行汉语单语教学的最初台阶和口实。这个历史，在全省范围内是不愿被看到的，反而是需要纠正和改进的。现在，省级教育部门推广汉语的决心和力度如此之大，却将这些地区（包括海北、海西的一些城镇和农牧区）的民族语文教学视而不见，何以证明“语言平等”？我们呼吁，请省教育厅兑现承诺，在收到本意见书之日起六十天内就西宁、海东乡村民族学校的民族语文课程设置和师资配备问题拿出方案，给予明确答复，切实证明并“不是用一种语言削弱另一种语言”，以换取藏族民众和国内外的信任。
4. Honor commitments to strengthen nationality language and script education, and dispel people’s concerns and worries about bilingual reforms. Wang Yubo proposed “continue strengthening and advancing minority language education, broaden investment, improve conditions and raise the quality of teaching.” Such empty formulations are all too common, and ears are deaf to them now. In our experience, the two models practiced in Qinghai in the 1980s in a “twin-track system” for bilingual education were focused on two regions, namely the nationality schools in areas of Xining and Haidong home to various nationalities where bilingual education is practiced with Chinese as the language of instruction and the nationality language is a secondary provision; and the six autonomous prefectures where bilingual education is practiced with Tibetan as the language of instruction and Chinese is a secondary provision. After 30 years, in the areas of Xining and Haidong [Tib: Tsoshar] with various nationalities, and aside from Xunhua [Do-wi Salar Autonomous County in Haidong [Tib: Tsoshar] Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture] (in the past few years Hualong [Bayan Khar Hui Autonomous County] has started to improve), bilingual education in all other areas exists only in name; almost no nationality language teachers have been allocated, making such bilingual education as Tibetan-Chinese, Tu-Chinese and Salar-Chinese a complete illusion. “Secondary provision” nationality language bilingual education seems to have become the first stage of – and a pretext for – promoting Chinese as the sole language of instruction. We are not willing for such a history to be seen across the entire province, and instead it needs to be corrected and improved. With the provincial-level education offices’ determination to promote Chinese to such a great degree as this, a blind eye is being turned to nationality language education in these areas (including some towns and nomadic and pastoral areas of Haibei [Tib: Tsochang] and Haixi [Tib: Tsonub]), and what does this prove about “language equality”? We call upon and request the provincial Education Department to honor its commitments and within 60 days of receipt of this submission, provide solutions to the issues of nationality language course provision and teaching resources allocation in rural areas of Xining and Haidong [Tib: Tsoshar], and provide clear answers that effectively prove “one language is not being used to overcome another language” in exchange for the trust of Tibetans and others at home and abroad.
我们强烈呼吁：
We strongly urge:
1、反思文革以来正反两面的经验教训，通过汉族和少数民族相互尊重、学习和使用语言，进一步巩固良好的民族关系。《自治法》第四十九条规定：“民族自治地方的自治机关教育和鼓励各民族的干部互相学习语言文字。汉族干部要学习当地少数民族的语言文字，少数民族干部在学习、使用本民族语言文字的同时，也要学习全国通用的普通话和规范文字。”
1. Reflect upon both the positive and negative lessons learned since the Cultural Revolution, and by means of mutual respect between Han and minority nationalities, and the study and use of language, consolidate a step further excellent relations between the nationalities. Article 49 of the Autonomy Law provides: “Autonomous agencies of an ethnic autonomous area persuade and encourage cadres of the various nationalities to learn each other’s spoken and written languages. Cadres of Han nationality will learn the spoken and written languages of the local minority nationalities. While learning and using the spoken and written languages of their own nationalities, cadres of minority nationalities should also learn the spoken and written Chinese language commonly used throughout the country.”
我们这些退休干部年轻时，进入藏区的汉族干部基本上同时精通藏语。文化大革命完全禁止学习使用少数民族语文，三中全会后立即予以纠正。现在的天下变了，少数民族学习汉语已成为普遍现象，但汉族干部几乎不掌握民族语文，甚至一些本民族干部也不学不用民族语文，自治机关使用民族语文的也越来越少，民族语文不断削弱，民族语文人才不断被边缘化。这种趋势，严重影响了藏族自治地方的民族关系。希望省委、省政府高度重视，各自治地方正视严峻现状，积极作出回应，尽早扭转类似的倒退局面。
When we retired cadres were young, the Han cadres who came to Tibet were basically proficient in the Tibetan language. It was completely forbidden to study or to use minority nationality languages during the Cultural Revolution, but this was immediately corrected following the Third Plenary Session [of the 11th National Party Congress in late 1978, when Deng Xiaoping’s post-Mao program of reforms was adopted]. Today, the world has changed and it is normal for minority nationalities to study the Chinese language, but almost no Han cadres have grasped nationality languages or scripts – there are even nationality cadres who don’t study their own nationality’s language; fewer and fewer agencies of autonomy use nationality languages and scripts, nationality languages are becoming ever weaker, and nationality personnel resources are becoming ever more marginalized. Such a trend will have a serious impact upon nationality relations in Tibetan autonomous areas. It is hoped that the provincial Party Committee and the provincial government will pay a high degree of attention, and that each autonomous area will seriously address the situation, respond positively, and reverse such similar situations as soon as possible.
2、保护和发展藏语文是多语言文化和谐并存、人类文明延续的需要，请给予尊重和重视。藏语文历史悠久，内涵丰富，承载着深厚的历史文化和精神文明，为保存和传播本民族乃至印度文明、中原文明曾经并继续起着其他语言文字无法替代的作用，是提高中华民族文化软实力的重要部。。藏语同时作为一个跨国境的强势语言，一个具有国际通用编码的文种，除了藏区，还涉及到周边一些国家和地区，藏语使用和发展问题并不是单一的国内问题。当前，语言多样性、文化多样性象生物多样性一样受世人关注，成为全球共识。同时，虽然时过两年，3.14和7.5事件的阴影依然笼罩在藏民族的周围，人们充满担心和顾虑且在议论纷纷：中央和国家的对藏政策是否改变，对待藏族干部、群众、学生，对待藏族文化、语言和宗教的态度是否改变？在这样的时代，这样的时段，这样的背景下，切断法律政策的延续性，大规模实行所谓改革，实行限制藏语文在“教育教学用语用材”的使用，很容易引起人们的恐慌，更容易引起师生和家长的混乱，不利于稳定、和谐、团结。希望教育部门对于我们这种本应坚决克服的、认为“影响社会稳定的错误思想”和“重重顾虑”，给予足够的评估和正视，切实把它“作为一项重大的政治任务，一项重大的民生工程，下大决心、下大气力，抓紧抓好，抓出成效。”
2) Protecting and developing the Tibetan language and script is a necessity for the harmonious co-existence of cultures and continuation of human civilization – please give respect to and pay attention to this. The Tibetan language and script has a long history and rich content that harbors a deep historical culture and spiritual civilization. It plays an irreplaceable role in the preservation and dissemination of Tibetan and even Indian civilization, as well as the civilization of the [Chinese] Central Plains and for the continuation of other languages, and it is an important part of increasing the soft power of the Chinese nation. At the same time, the Tibetan language is a powerful transnational boundary language, a language with a common international encoding, and aside from Tibetan areas it also touches upon some surrounding countries and regions. The issue of the use and development of the Tibetan language is not simply a domestic issue. Currently, there is as much concern for linguistic and cultural diversity in the world as there is for biodiversity – it has become a global concern. At the same time, even though two years have passed, the shadows of 3.14 and 7.5 still hang heavy over the Tibetan people, and people are full of worries and concerns, wondering whether the Central Committee and the State’s policies on Tibet will change, and whether the treatment of Tibetan cadres, masses and students and the treatment of Tibetan culture, language and religion will change. In times such as these, at a moment such as this and against this background, breaking off the continuity of laws and policies, implementing large-scale so-called reforms and implementing limitations on the use of Tibetan in “the teaching language of instruction and materials,” people are easily terrified and teachers, students and their parents are easily led to chaos, which is not beneficial to stability, harmony or unity. It is hoped that education offices will not regard us as people to be overcome, or as having “incorrect thinking that impacts upon social stability” or of being hesitant and indecisive, and instead give adequate consideration and attention, and effectively regard this as “an important political duty, an important people’s-hearts project, and with great efforts and great determination, focus closely on achieving good results.”
3、由教育、民族工作部门以外的有关民间团体牵头，开展双语教育问题深层调查、研究、探讨和经验交流，维护社会稳定和民族团结，避免藏语文成为影响民族关系和国家安全的政治因素。青海藏族研究会作为全省最大的民间团体，尽快组织本民族、汉族和其他民族的专家学者、教育工作者、社会工作者，全面学习、正确理解青海省教育部门的规定和具体解读，尽可能组织专业力量和富有藏区教育工作经验的离退休干部，对藏汉双语教育做进一步的调查研究和分析探讨，积极召开具有一定层次的藏汉双语教育研讨会，广泛征集双语教育加强、改进和发展方面的报告和论文（包括国外的双语教育经验和国内延边、内蒙古、新疆、西藏以及贵州、云南各方面的经验），提出正面、善意、诚肯的意见和建议，防止藏族干部群众和师生采用“过激行为”表达正常诉求，防止事态扩大造成不良后果。也希望各族同胞从长计议，长远谋划，尽量克制、沉着、冷静，不造谣、不信谣、不传谣，为科学、稳妥、有利、有效地推进双语教育、保持社会和谐稳定做出努力。
3. By means of relevant civil organizations [Ch: minjian tuanti] taking the lead – other than education and nationality work departments – carry out in-depth surveys, research, discussions and experience exchanges on the issue of bilingual education, on upholding social stability and the unity of nationalities, and avoid allowing the Tibetan language and script to become a factor that impacts upon nationality relations and state security. With the Tibetan Studies Association of Qinghai Province as the largest civil organization in the province, organize as soon as possible Tibetan, Han and other nationality specialist scholars, education workers, and social workers to comprehensively study and correctly understand Qinghai Province Education Department’s laws and legal explanations, and to the greatest extent possible arrange for experts with strengths and retired cadres with a rich experience of education in Tibetan areas to conduct further research and analysis into Chinese-Tibetan bilingual education. Actively convene Chinese-Tibetan bilingual education seminars at certain levels, extensively call for reports and papers on strengthening, improving and developing bilingual education (including on international bilingual experiences, and domestically on all aspects of bilingualism in Yanbian, Inner Mongolia, Xinjiang, Tibet and in Guizhou and Yunnan), presenting positive, good and honest opinions and proposals, and preventing Tibetan cadres, masses and teachers and students using “extreme behavior” to express their reasonable demands, and preventing the situation from spreading and creating adverse effects. It is hoped that compatriots of all nationalities will take a long-term perspective, make long-term plans, exercise maximum restraint, composure and calm, and not create rumors, believe rumors or spread rumors, and make great efforts towards scientifically, reliably, beneficially and effectively promoting bilingual education and upholding social harmony and stability.
西宁地区部分藏族退休干部、老教育工作者
Some retired Tibetan cadres and senior education workers from the Xining region
二零一零年十月二十四日
October 24, 2010
抄送：中央统战部、全国人民宗委、国家民委、国家教育部、全国政协民委、省委各常委、省人大、省政府、省政协领导及组成部门，省委统战部、省民宗委、六州党委、人大、政府、政协、六州教育局。
Copied to: The Central Committee United Front Work Department, National People’s Congress Religious Affairs Committee, State Ethnic Affairs Commission, The Ministry of Education, Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference Nationalities Affairs Committee, Each Member of the Provincial Standing Committee, the Provincial National People’s Congress, the Provincial Government, the Provincial Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference leadership and its constituent offices, the Provincial United Front Work Department, the Party Committees in the six prefectures, their National People’s Congresses, Governments, Chinese Political People’s Consultative Conferences, and the Education Bureaus in the six prefectures.