1979 – Chinese leader Deng Xiaoping invites Gyalo Thondup, elder brother of the Dalai Lama, and tells him that apart from the issue of total independence all other issues can be discussed and resolved.
August 5, 1979 – First fact-finding delegation of the Tibetan Government-in-Exile, led by Kalon Juchen Thubten Namgyal, begins tour of Tibet.
May 1, 1980 – Second fact-finding delegation from thc Tibetan Government-in-Exile, led by Tenzin N. Tethong, begins tour of Tibet.
July 1, 1980 – Third fact-finding delegation from the Tibetan Government-in-Exile, led by Mrs. Jetsun Pema, begins tour of Tibet.
March 13, 1981 – The Dalai Lama states in a letter to Deng Xiaoping that the three fact-finding missions found “sad conditions” in Tibet and therefore “genuine efforts must be made to solve the problem in accordance with the existing realities in a reasonable way.”
April 24, 1982 – A high level Tibetan delegation arrives in Beijing to hold exploratory talks with Chinese officials. The delegation, composed of P.T. Taklha, Juchen Thubten Namgyal and Lodi Gyari, made no substantive headway.
October 19, 1984 – The three-member exploratory delegation holds a second round of talks with Chinese leaders. Again, no progress toward substantive negotiations are made.
1985 – Fourth fact-finding delegation from the exile Tibetan government leaves for Tibet, led by W.D. Kundeling.
July 24, 1985 – 91 Members of the U.S. Congress sign a letter, urging Chinese President Li Nianian to initiate talk between China and the Tibetan Government-in-Exile.
September 21, 1987 – The Dalai Lama presents a Five-Point Peace Plan on solving the Tibetan problem to the U.S. Congress The plan includes a call for commencement of earnest negotiations on the future status of Tibet.
December 22, 1987 – The United States Foreign Relations Authorization Act declares that the U.S. “should urge the Government of China to actively reciprocate the Dalai Lama’s efforts to establish a constructive dialogue on the future of Tibet.”
June 15, 1988 – The Dalai Lama presents his Strasbourg Proposal as a framework for a negotiated solution to the Tibetan problem, at the European Parliament. He also mentioned that a negotiating team is ready to meet with the Chinese side on the basis of Deng Xiaoping’s statements.
September 21, 1988 – China responds indirectly to the Strasbourg proposal with an offer to talk. In a press statement, the Chinese side says: “We welcome the Dalai Lama to have talks with the central government at any time, and talks may be held in Beijing. Hong Kong or any of our embassies or consulates abroad. If the Dalai Lama finds it inconvenient to conduct talks at these places. He may choose any place he wishes.” The offer makes the talks conditional on the Dalai Lama “drop[ping] the idea of an independent Tibet.”
September 23, 1988 – Tibetan representatives convey the following response to the Sept. 21 Chinese message: “We welcome China’s positive response to His Holiness the Dalai Lama’s call for talks on the Tibetan issue We similarly welcome their leaving the choice of the venue for the talks to us We would like the talks to be held in Geneva. Switzerland which is the host convenient and neutral venue. We would also like the first round of talks to be held in January”.
January, 1989 – China backs out of the proposed talks.
April 20, 1989 – the Tibetan Government-in-Exile announces that “His Holiness the Dalai Lama is prepared to send representatives to Hong Kong at any time” to meet with Chinese representative in order to resolve any procedural issue with regard to starting negotiations.
March 15, 1989 – U.S. Senate Resolution 82 calls upon the Chinese government to “meet with representatives of the Dalai Lama to begin initiating constructive dialogue on the future of Tibet.”
October 9, 1991 – In an address at Yale University, the Dalai Lama appeals to the world for support in pressuring China to allow him to return to Tibet on a short trip. He states that he is ready to go “as soon as possible.”
October 10, 1991 – The Chinese Foreign Ministry imposes the following conditions before he can return to Tibet: “The most important thing is that the Dalai Lama stop his activities aimed at splitting China and undermining the unity of its nationalities, and abandon his position on Tibetan independence.”
June 22, 1992 – Ding Guangen, head of the United Front Department of the CCP Central Committee, meets Gyalo Thondup and reiterates their 1979 statement that they are willing to discuss any issue with the Tibetans except total independence.
May 28, 1993 – White House report to Congress on MEN extension lists “[s]eeking to resume dialogue with the Dalai Lama or his representatives” as favourable step China should take to ensure MEN renewal.
April 28, 1994 – The Dalai Lama meets with President Clinton and Vice President Gore in the White House. The White House press release states that President Clinton met the Dalai Lama “to inquire about efforts to initiate a dialogue with the Chinese leadership” among other topics. It also says: “The United States continues to urge high level talks between the Chinese government and the Dalai Lama.”
November, 1995 – China tries to usurp the right to choose the next incarnation of the important Tibetan religious figure, the Panchen Lama. Relations between Beijing and Dharamsala plummet.
July, 1997 – The Clinton Administration announces its intention to establish a new position in the Department of State to coordinate Tibetan Affairs. A central objective of the position is to promote dialogue to resolve the issue of Tibet.
October, 1997 – During the Sino American Summit iii Washington., President Clinton presses Chinese President Jiang Zemin in to initiate talks with the Dalai Lama. The Tibetan problem emerges as one of the top issues that the American people identify with Sino-U.S. relations.
October 31, 1997 – Mr. Greg Craig is appointed the Special Coordinator for Tibetan Issue at the U.S. Department of State.
April 30, 1998 – Secretary of State Madeleine Albright makes it clear to President Jiang Zemin that Tibet is a high priority of the U.S. government for the June Summit in Beijing. “What we urge is a dialogue with the Dalai Lama,” Albright told a news conference after her meeting.
June 27, 1998 – U.S. President Bill Clinton urges Jiang Zemin to open talks with the Dalai Lama at a press conference in Beijing. Televised live throughout China Jiang Zemin admits to the existence of unofficial channels of communication and says “door to negotiation is open”
*From “Dharamsala and Beijing; Countdown to Negotiation,” in Tibetan Bulletin, October-December 1998
January 28, 2001 – The Dalai Lama tells AFP that his latest efforts to send a delegation to China to pursue a substantial dialogue with Chinese leaders had produced no response from Beijing.
The Dalai Lama’s elder brother had traveled to Beijing in late October—reopening contact after a two-year freeze—after which the Dalai Lama proposed sending a full delegation to the Chinese capital. He said the Chinese welcomed his brother to come again, but the Dalai Lama added, “If my brother goes again, some people might get the wrong impression. “This is an issue for the whole Tibetan community, so sending some people from a Tibetan organization would be more appropriate.”
September 9-24, 2002 – Following a nine-year impasse, contact between Beijing and the Tibetan-government-in-exile resumes when the Dalai Lama’s Special Envoy, Lodi Gyari, leads a delegation of four to Beijing and Lhasa. The trip is intended to create an atmosphere conducive for substantive negotiations. The team includes Kelsang Gyaltsen, Envoy of the Dalai Lama and two senior assistants, Sonam N. Dagpo and Bhuchung K. Tsering.
September 30, 2002 – President Bush signs into law a foreign policy bill that includes the Tibetan Policy Act. The Tibetan Policy Act expresses both programmatic and political support for the Tibetan people, including that the President and Secretary of State should initiate steps to encourage the Government of the People’s Republic of China to enter into a dialogue with the Dalai Lama or his representatives leading to a negotiated agreement on Tibet; and after such an agreement is reached, the President and Secretary of State should work to ensure compliance with the agreement.
May 25-June 8, 2003 – A second round of talks is held between envoys of the Dalai Lama and the Chinese leadership during the Tibetan team’s trip to Beijing and parts of Tibet. The Tibetans characterize the nature of these trips as “confidence building measures.”
September 12-29, 2004 – A third round of talks is held between envoys of the Dalai Lama and the Chinese leadership during the Tibetan team’s trip to Beijing and parts of Tibet The international community views these visits as positive steps forward, but few governments make legitimate efforts to bring both parties to the negotiation table.
May 23, 2004 – The Chinese government issues a 30-page White Paper on Tibet aimed at dampening expectations by Tibetans for genuine autonomy. The White Paper is seen as a negotiating tactic that underscores the resistance of hardliners to move forward in good faith.
June 30, July 1, 2005 – A fourth round of meetings between the Tibetan team and the Chinese leadership is held in Bern, Switzerland. The Tibetans say that the trip is designed to “move the ongoing process to a new level of engagement aimed at bringing about substantive negotiations to achieve a mutually acceptable solution to the Tibetan issue”. Meanwhile, China continues publicly criticize the Dalai Lama and reiterates its long-standing preconditions to negotiations.
July 10, 2005 – During a visit to China, U.S. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice asks Chinese leaders to “reach out to the Dalai Lama”, saying that the exiled Tibetan leader is no threat to China.
October 11, 2005 – In its annual report for 2005, the Congressional-Executive Commission on China said, “The future of Tibetans and their religion, language, and culture depends on fair and equitable decisions about future policies that can only be achieved through dialogue. The Dalai Lama is essential to this dialogue. To help the parties build on visits and dialogue held in 2003, 2004, and 2005, the President and the Congress should urge the Chinese government to move the current dialogue toward deeper, substantive discussions with the Dalai Lama or his representatives, and encourage direct contact between the Dalai Lama and the Chinese leadership.”
February 15-23, 2006 – The Dalai Lama’s envoys met in Guilin China. In previous meetings, the envoys had requested to visit other autonomous regions of China, which is why Guangxi Autonomous region was chosen. After the meetings concluded, Lodi Gyari reported that there was “a growing understanding between the two sides, though fundamental differences persisted.” However, he made clear that the Tibetans remain committed to the dialogue process and are hopeful that progress will be possible by continuing the engagement.
A full transcript of Lodi Gyari’s briefing, “The Current State of Discussions between the Dalai Lama and the Government of the People’s Republic of China” (A John L. Thornton China Center and Center for Northeast Asian Policy Studies Briefing) is available for downloading at the website of the Brookings Institution. An edited transcript of questions and answers is also available on the Brookings website.
March 2007 – At a House Foreign Affairs Committee hearing, Mr. Gyari focused on the status of the dialogue stating that “the difference in viewpoints are numerous,” but that “each now have a clearer grasp of one another’s divergent perspectives.” He went on to say that, “We have now reached the stage where if there is the political will on both sides, we have an opportunity to finally resolve this issue.”
June 29 to July 5, 2007 – The Dalai Lama’s envoys were hosted by the UFWD in Shanghai and Nanjing. Following this meeting the envoys reported that “our dialogue process has reached a critical stage” and that “we…made some concrete proposals for implementation if our dialogue process is to go forward.”
May 8, 2008 – The Dalai Lama’s envoys reported back on talks with officials from the United Front Work Department in Shenzhen, China, on Sunday [May 4]. Special Envoy Lodi Gyari, speaking to press in Dharamsala, India, after briefing the Dalai Lama, referred to the significance of a comment by Chinese President and Party Secretary Hu Jintao yesterday that “our attitude towards contacts and consultation with the Dalai Lama is serious”. Lodi Gyari said: “It is welcome that the leader of such an important nation stands in front of the world and says that China is serious about the relationship at the highest level. Not only was it a direct comment about the recent meeting that took place, but it was also in the context of a historic press conference [with Japanese PM Yasuo Fukuda].” President Hu’s visit to Tokyo marks the first time in 10 years that a Chinese president has visited Japan, and is widely regarded as an effort to repair strained relations between the two nations. Lodi Gyari added that it was encouraging because many Tibetans as well as many world leaders were skeptical, for good reason, about the dialogue process.
July 2, 2008 – A day long discussion with Vice Minister Zhu Weiqun and Vice Minister Sithar took place at a crucial time in the dialogue process. The recent events in Tibet clearly demonstrate the Tibetan people’s genuine and deep-rooted discontentment with People’s Republic of China’s policies. The urgent need for serious and sincere efforts to address this issue with courage and vision in the interest of stability, unity and harmony of all nationalities of the PRC is obvious. In addition even though His Holiness the Dalai Lama is seeking a solution to the issue of Tibet within the PRC, it is a fact that it has become an issue of great international concern. In this context, there was hope that the Chinese leadership would reciprocate by taking tangible steps during this round of talks. On the contrary, due to their excessive concern about legitimacy the Chinese even failed to agree to a proposal of issuing a joint statement with the aim of committing both parties to the dialogue process.
While the Chinese side finally seems to have realized that their allegations against His Holiness for instigating the recent events in Tibet and in sabotaging the Olympics Games have become untenable, they are now urging His Holiness not to support violence, terrorism, and sabotaging the Olympics. The Tibetan delegation stated in the strongest possible terms that no one needs to urge this as His Holiness and the Tibetan struggle are universally acknowledged and appreciated for consistently rejecting and opposing such acts. While the Tibetan Youth Congress does not support the Middle Way Approach of His Holiness the Dalai Lama and stands for independence of Tibet, we categorically rejected the Chinese attempt to label it as a violent and terrorist organization. His Holiness has repeatedly and clearly stated publicly he is not seeking separation and independence of Tibet.
October 31, 2008 – The Tibetan Envoys presented the Chinese side with a Memorandum on Genuine Autonomy for the Tibetan People when they visited China for the eighth round of talks. Special Envoy Lodi Gyari and Envoy Kelsang Gyaltsen, accompanied by senior aides Sonam N. Dagpo and Bhuchung K. Tsering, both members of the Task Force on Negotiations, and Kalsang Tsering from the Secretariat of the Task Force, visited China from October 30 to November 5, 2008. They returned to India on November 6, 2008.
During the seventh round of talks in Beijing on July 1and 2, 2008, the Vice Chairman of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference and the Minister of the Central United Front Work Department, Mr. Du Qinglin, explicitly invited suggestions from His Holiness the Dalai Lama for the stability and development of Tibet. The Executive Vice Minister of the Central United Front Work Department, Mr. Zhu Weiqun, further said they would like to hear Tibetan views on the degree or form of autonomy they were seeking as well as on all aspects of regional autonomy within the scope of the Constitution of the People’s Republic of China.
November 2008 – The first Special General Meeting of Tibetans was held in Dharamsala from November 17 to 22, 2008. Over 581 delegates from 19 countries participated in it.
The meeting reaffirmed the Tibetan commitment to follow the Middle Way Approach. The meeting called upon the Tibetan leadership to terminate the ongoing talks with the Chinese leadership if the Chinese Government does not reciprocate positively to the overtures of the Tibetan people.
March 10, 2009 – In his statement on the 50th Anniversary of the Tibetan National Uprising Day, the Dalai Lama said, “The Chinese insistence that we accept Tibet as having been a part of China since ancient times is not only inaccurate, but also unreasonable. We cannot change the past no matter whether it was good or bad. Distorting history for political purposes is incorrect.”
He added, “We Tibetans are looking for a legitimate and meaningful autonomy, an arrangement that would enable Tibetans to live within the framework of the People’s Republic of China.”
August 27, 2009 – Prof. Samdhong Rinpoche, head of the Central Tibetan Administration, explained on the misperception about “Greater Tibet”. In a keynote address to a roundtable discussion in Delhi, he said, “In recent times (after 1979) the authorities of the PRC coined the new term, “Greater Tibet”, to refer to the total areas habited by Tibetan nationality which are at present divided into Tibet Autonomous Region and other Tibetan autonomous prefectures and counties.” He added, “There is no greater or smaller Tibet. All Tibetans belong to one minority nationality among the 55 minority nationalities of the PRC.”
January 26 to 31, 2010 – Special Envoy Lodi Gyari and Envoy Kelsang Gyaltsen, accompanied by two members of Task Force on Negotiations, Tenzin P. Atisha and Bhuchung K. Tsering, and Jigmey Passang from the Task Force Secretariat, visited China from January 26 to 31, 2010, for the ninth round of discussions with representatives of the Chinese leadership. This was after a gap of near 14 months.
On January 26, 2010, they formally presented to the Chinese side a Note relating to the Memorandum on Genuine Autonomy for the Tibetan People that had been given during the previous eighth round in November 2008. The Note contained seven points that addressed the fundamental issues raised by the Chinese leadership during the eighth round and some constructive suggestions for a way forward in the dialogue process. The Chinese Government has made different comments and expression of concerns regarding the Memorandum and the Note was intended to address these and to offer some constructive suggestions for a way forward in the dialogue process. The Note was also intended to prevent the chance of misinterpretation and misconception by the general public.
They met with Mr. Du Qinglin, Vice Chairman of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference as well as Minister of the Central United Front Work Department, on January 30. They had a day-long discussion with Executive Vice Minister Zhu Weiqun and Vice Minister Sithar on January 31, 2010.
Since then there has been no further rounds of discussions between the two sides.
February 18, 2010 – President Obama met the Dalai Lama in the White House for their first meeting. In a subsequent statement, the White House said, “The President commended the Dalai Lama’s “Middle Way” approach, his commitment to nonviolence and his pursuit of dialogue with the Chinese government.”
March 5, 2010 – Mr. Lodi Gyari, Special Envoy of H.H. the Dalai Lama, gave a talk at the Center for Strategic and International Studies, Washington, DC on “The Way Forward on Tibet: The Status of Discussions Between His Holiness the Dalai Lama and the Government of the People’s Republic of China.”
He outlined the thinking behind the presentation of the Memorandum and the Note by the Tibetan side to the Chinese leadership. He mentioned that His Holiness the Dalai Lama has offered, and remains prepared, to formally issue a statement that would serve to allay the Chinese Government’s doubts and concerns as to his position and intentions on matters contained in the Tibetan Memorandum and the Note.
March 10, 2011 – In his statement on the 52nd Anniversary of the Tibetan National Uprising Day, the Dalai Lama announced his intention to devolve his political authority to an elected Tibetan leadership saying, “As early as the 1960s, I have repeatedly stressed that Tibetans need a leader, elected freely by the Tibetan people, to whom I can devolve power. Now, we have clearly reached the time to put this into effect. During the forthcoming eleventh session of the fourteenth Tibetan Parliament in Exile, which begins on 14th March, I will formally propose that the necessary amendments be made to the Charter for Tibetans in Exile, reflecting my decision to devolve my formal authority to the elected leader.
“Since I made my intention clear I have received repeated and earnest requests both from within Tibet and outside, to continue to provide political leadership. My desire to devolve authority has nothing to do with a wish to shirk responsibility. It is to benefit Tibetans in the long run.
It is not because I feel disheartened. Tibetans have placed such faith and trust in me that as one among them I am committed to playing my part in the just cause of Tibet. I trust that gradually people will come to understand my intention, will support my decision and accordingly let it take effect.”
On March 14, 2011, in a message to the Fourteenth Assembly of the Tibetan People’s Deputies (Tibetan Parliament-in-Exile), the Dalai Lama proposed, “All the necessary amendments to the Charter and other related regulations should be made during this session so that I am completely relieved of formal authority.”
He also added, “As a result, some of my political promulgations such as the Draft Constitution for a Future Tibet (1963) and Guidelines for Future Tibet’s Polity (1992) will become ineffective. The title of the present institution of the Ganden Phodrang headed by the Dalai Lama should also be changed accordingly.”
May 28, 2011 – The Tibetan Parliament-in-Exile made amendment to the Charter of Tibetans in Exile reflecting the devolution of the Dalai Lama’s political authority to the elected Tibetan leadership. The Dalai Lama assented to the amendment on May 29, 2011 and made it effective.
July 16, 2011 – President Obama met the Dalai Lama in the White House. In a statement, the White House said, “The President commended the Dalai Lama’s commitment to nonviolence and dialogue with China and his pursuit of the “Middle Way” approach.” The statement also said that President Obama “stressed that he encourages direct dialogue to resolve long-standing differences and that a dialogue that produces results would be positive for China and Tibetans.”
August 8, 2011 – Dr. Lobsang Sangay took over the reins of the Central Tibetan Administration as the newly elected Kalon Tripa at a ceremony in Dharamsala.
The Dalai Lama, in his remarks, said it was an important day in the more than 2000-year long history of Tibet. He explained, “.the Tibetan people are the masters of Tibet, and not the religious leaders and kings and their heirs. Therefore, I always say that it is wrong for the religious leaders to hold political authority. I feel proud to be able to implement what I firmly believe and tell others to put into practice my ideology that the world and countries belong to the general populace and the period of keeping control through power is outdated. Moreover, I will get more opportunity to speak strongly since I have implemented what I confidently and consistently emphasized – the separation of religion and politics.”
Dr. Sangay, in his remarks, said that the changes “should send a clear message to the hardliners in the Chinese government that Tibetan leadership is far from fizzling out — we are a democracy that will only grow stronger in years ahead” He reiterated that the Tibetan struggle is not against the Chinese people but that it “is against those who would deny freedom, justice, dignity, and the very identity of Tibetan people. Chinese authorities and our Chinese friends alike must realize that grievances of Tibetan people are many and genuine.”
September 24, 2011 – The Dalai Lama issued a statement about how he envisaged the process of finding his reincarnation to work. He said, “When I am about ninety I will consult the high Lamas fo the Tibetan Buddhist traditions, the Tibetan public, and other concerned people who follow Tibetan Buddhism, and re-evaluate whether the institution of the Dalai Lama should continue or not.” He further said if the need for the institution is decided and “there is the need for the Fifteenth Dalai Lama to be recognized, responsibility for doing so will primarily rest on the concerned officers of the Dalai Lama’s Gaden Phodrang Trust.” The statement added, “Bear in mind that, apart from the reincarnation recognized through such legitimate methods, no recognition or acceptance should be given to a candidate chosen for political ends by anyone, including those in the People’s Republic of China.”
October 10, 2011 – A one-day meeting of the Tibetan Task Force on Negotiations was held in Dharamsala on October 10, 2011. This is the first meeting of the Task Force under Dr. Lobsang Sangay.
November 3, 2011 – The Tom Lantos Human Rights Commission of the United States Congress in Washington, DC heard testimony from Dr. Lobsang Sangay and from Kirti Rinpoche, the spiritual head of Kirti Monastery about the critical situation in Tibet and how the US could respond.
Dr. Sangay gave an overview of recent developments affecting the Tibet issue, such as asking for the US government’s continuing support and affirmation for the democratic processes now becoming firmly established in the Tibetan exile community; he re-iterated the Tibetan people’s support for the “Middle Way” proposal by the Dalai Lama for a non-violent resolution to the Tibet issue; and then went on to broadly describe the current human rights situation in Tibet, adding a request for support from the US and the international community to call on China to abide by its international human rights obligation with regard to Tibet, to allow journalists and UN officials access to Kirti Monastery, and to urge continuation of the dialog process between representatives of the Dalai Lama and the Chinese government.
March 10, 2012 – In his statement on the 53rd Anniversary of the Tibetan National Uprising of March 10, 1959, Dr. Lobsang Sangay referred to the ongoing crisis in Tibet and said,“To address the tragedy in Tibet, I call on Beijing to accept our Middle Way Policy, which seeks genuine autonomy for Tibetans within the framework of the Chinese constitution and as proposed in the Memorandum and Note of 2008 and 2010 respectively.”
June 3, 2012 – Dr. Lobsang Sangay, Head of the Central Tibetan Administration, accepted the resignations of Special Envoy of His Holiness the Dalai Lama Lodi G. Gyari and Envoy Kelsang Gyaltsen. The resignations became effective June 1, 2012.
At the Task Force meeting on May 30-31, 2012 in Dharamsala, the envoys expressed their utter frustration over the lack of positive response from the Chinese side and submitted their resignations to the Kalon Tripa. They said, “Given the deteriorating situation inside Tibet since 2008 leading to the increasing cases of self-immolations by Tibetans, we are compelled to submit our resignations. Furthermore, the United Front did not respond positively to the Memorandum on Genuine Autonomy for the Tibetan People presented in 2008 and its Note in 2010. One of the key Chinese interlocutors in the dialogue process even advocated abrogation of minority status as stipulated in the Chinese constitution thereby seeming to remove the basis of autonomy. At this particular time, it is difficult to have substantive dialogue.”
The CTA’s statement announcing the resignation of the envoys also said, “The Tibetan leadership remains firmly committed to non-violence and the Middle-Way Approach, and strongly believes that the only way to resolve the issue of Tibet is through dialogue. The Tibetan leadership considers substance to be primary and process as secondary, and is ready to engage in meaningful dialogue anywhere and at anytime.”
September 2012 – The second Special General Meeting of Tibetans was held in Dharamsala from September 25 to 28, 2012. Over 432 delegates from 26 countries participated in it.
The meeting made 31 recommendations to deal with the critical situation in Tibet and find a lasting solution to the Tibetan issue. It resolved to pursue the Middle Way Approach to find a meaningful solution through dialogue with the Chinese Government.
November 2, 2012 The UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Ms. Navi Pillay, in a statement, “urged the Chinese authorities to promptly address the longstanding grievances that have led to an alarming escalation in desperate forms of protest, including self-immolations, in Tibetan areas.”
The statement said, “Social stability in Tibet will never be achieved through heavy security measures and suppression of human rights. Deep underlying issues need to be addressed…”
December 15, 2012 – EU’s High Representative Catherine Ashton issued a declaration concerning the Tibetan self-immolations and supported the statement of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Ms. Navi Pillay of November 2, 2012. The EU statement said, “Finally, the EU encourages all concerned parties to resume a meaningful dialogue.”
January 2013 – A two-day meeting of the Task Force on Negotiations was held in Dharamsala from December 31, 2012 to January 1, 2013, chaired by Dr. Lobsang Sangay.
The meeting reviewed the deepening political crisis in Tibet, specifically the tragic spate of self-immolations, and discussed the urgent need for peaceful resolution of the issue of Tibet. The meeting also discussed the changes in the Chinese leadership and their implications on the Tibetan issue.
Substantive assessments were made on the genesis of the Tibetan dialogue process, its future prospects and challenges, based on the situation in Tibet, China and in the international community. Various constructive opinions were expressed to continue the dialogue. The procedure for appointment of envoys of His Holiness the Dalai Lama was also discussed.
The Tibetan leadership remains firmly committed to non-violence and the Middle-Way Approach, and strongly believes that the only way to resolve the issue of Tibet is through dialogue. “Substance being primary and process secondary, we are ready to engage in meaningful dialogue anywhere and at anytime”, said Dr. Lobsang Sangay.
March 10, 2013 – The Tibetan Parliament in Exile, in a statement on the occasion of the 54th anniversary of the Tibetan National Uprising Day, March 10, 2013, asked China to “Accept that the Sino-Tibetan dispute deserves to be, needs to be, and can be solved and begin at once peaceful negotiations on the basis of the mutually beneficial middle way approach.”
Dr. Lobsang Sangay, in his statement on the occasion of the 54th anniversary of the Tibetan National Uprising Day, March 10, 2013, said, “The Kashag is fully committed to the Middle Way Approach, which seeks genuine autonomy for Tibetans, to solve the issue of Tibet. His Holiness the Fourteenth Dalai Lama has shown this to be the most viable and enduring approach.” He added, “From our side, we consider substance primary and process secondary, and are ready to engage in meaningful dialogue anywhere, at any time.”